Urgent action items for a new Irish
political movement
Introduction
Any new Irish political movement, from
its inception, must engage the public with a clear and simple name
and mission statement. It should represent a clear break with the
past in terms of party politics, while reflecting older parts of
Irish society and culture. A simple name like “New Ireland/Eire
nua” will do; a clear mission statement follows.
The split between the social left and
right in fine Gael in 2013 is unlikely to lead to a new party; in
fact, this writer sees most of the “rebels” campaigning for gay
marriage to secure their party's nomination for the 2016 general
election. Given that any new party must attempt to secure a better
deal on Ireland's debt, these fine Gaelers would have been
inappropriate in any case. A realistic plan for securing such a deal
is proposed below, and if successful would ensure a wind of public
approval.
The first point made here is that,
while as of 2014 many of Ireland's problems are very difficult, much
of the damage done during 1997-2014 was done in plain sight and can
be reversed. Then we can attack the deeper problems. A set of
actions required will address particular areas of Irish society and
indicate how to repair the damage.
Once consensus is reached on policy,
the party should seek visibility through high-profile events like
successful court actions that stop injustice and corruption. Several
such have already been successful, including one in US Federal court.
A consistent party line can then be explained to the public through
the conventional media, and amplified by social media. Contesting of
elections will require canvassers, as even the Obama 2012 campaign
was forced to acknowledge that no, Facebook is not enough. The model
of a party organization in every parish is probably unattainable
until the 2020's; contesting every seat in 2016 is within our scope.
The invisible crimes of the
Bertiestate
Before doing the above, the damage must
be characterized. A first issue was the attach on Irish identity
itself. Prior to 1997, the consensus was that, for example, anyone
running an Irish music session in a pub, creating new music or
running an international academic conference on a voluntary basis for
the perceived good of the country was to be encouraged. That ethos
ended in 1997 and anyone going the extra mile for Ireland was
encouraged to “commit suicide” unless they complied with the part
line.
A first weapon in the assault was
“individualization”. Given the amount of money briefly floating
around, people were encouraged to cocoon rather than socialize. As
expected, given the lack of white-collar law enforcement, criminality
became rampant. A second weapon was dumbing down the arts and
intellectual debate, by closing elite academies, disempowering
independent artists, suing academics, and ramming bad pop music
(often made by people close to An Taoiseach) down people's throats
through all media.
A third weapon was subtler; the assault
on the idea that to be Irish is a good thing. Not only was mass
immigration imposed, despite a 2004 vote showing people did not want
it, but draconian legislation was introduced to prevent any assertion
of Irish identity (including flying the tricolor in taxis or at
parades). Indeed, the 1998 “Good Friday” agreement does away with
the notion that the Irish have a national territory and introduces
cross-border bodies that can take over any aspect of Irish life.
Remarkably, at the same time (end 2013) that President Higgins
encouraged the Irish to stick together, his government introduced the
taxi legislation that specifically prohibits the Irish from helping
each other economically; he is himself the patron of Doras Luimni
– “protecting and promoting the rights of all migrants”.
The results of these attacks have been
economic disaster and ethnic suicide. Ireland is a colony now in
precisely the way it was in the 19th century; while now as
then in terms of explicit law it is not a colony, in actual fact its
place in the current world order is as debtor of last resort. In the
meantime, the suppression of the creative class during the years of
the Bertiestate means that many of the entrepreneurs have left.
So what can be done? There seem to be
insuperable constraints. For example, the governments in power
2010-2014 have agreed to an interpretation which for the first time
in world history involves a sovereign paying off junior unsecured
debt incurred by private banks; yet these governments were
democratically elected. In fact, what they agreed to is the oldest
trick in the economic hit man's arsenal; find a self-appointed elite
in a country who are willing to agree that monies are owed, and then
use the people and the nation's resources to pay off this “debt”.
The lack of protest can be put down to
the fact that the unions and republican movement were bought off,
many emigrated, that social welfare was still adequate, and that
evictions were put on hold until 2014. It is likely that the result
of the 26,000 expected evictions will be incendiary. That will
present a massive opportunity for a new party free of stain by
association with all established parties.
The “Good Friday” agreement,
already a bad deal made worse by Mandelson's success in interpreting
it as a set of engagements unilaterally imposed by the Irish on
themselves without any reciprocity from the British, was voted in by
a 97% majority. Immigration has been agreed by running referenda a
second time, with threats and promises. The undoubted crimes of the
banksters are subject to statutes of limitations.
It is this writer's view that all these
issues need eventually to be addressed, perhaps in the context of a
new republic and constitution. For the moment that's pie in the sky;
let's work with what we have. Some of the constraints are imposed by
dictats from within the bureaucracy with no legal basis. For example,
RTE keeps saying that it cannot emulate Canada and play over a minute
percentage of Irish music because of the EU. We checked with the EU
commissioner, and RTE is plain wrong Competition law in Ireland
breaks EU guidelines. Likewise, the tendering process for the Poolbeg
developments breaks EU law.
We must continue to bring the crimes of
the Ahern era to light. The native music industry was destroyed by
crimes that were resolved by a US Federal court judgment and British
legal case . That judgment and legal case should be publicized. The
Medialab/Digital hub disasters need to be highlighted. Yet that will
not be enough.
What can be done in the current
legislative framework?
As we have seen, the EU can also be
used in favor of the Irish as many of the interpretations of EU
directives in Ireland are the result of power-grabs by bureaucrats.
They can be researched and exposed as we have done in several cases.
Likewise for the unprosecuted crimes of
the Ahern era. The most innocent explanation of why they remain
unprosecuted is that the incoming 2011 coalition were unwilling and
unready to change the senior civil servants who committed these
crimes at Ahern's behest. Yet this coalition is now liable for them.
Evictions/repossessions in the USA
from 2008-2013 proceeded in the absence of any legal framework. It
seems to be the case that property in Ireland was similarly
securitized, and that the banks lack clear title. The closing of the
2009 loophole pointed out by Judge Dunne does not apply to
securitization. In 2013, the USA finally passed legislation
retrospectively making legal what had been illegal evictions by the
banks up to then. Eire nua should stress the securitization issue.
That is not to say that every bad
investment should be protected. However, it allows an insistence
that every Irish person who has paid for it at current market rates
is entitled to one home, and indeed granting credit for payments
already made vis a vis the current value of the home. Indeed, Irish
people who still fail to reach muster can be assigned a home in one
of the many ghost estates in NAMA after their overpriced house is
repossessed; these can also be used to bring Irish emigrants back, in
return for payment or community service/public works. neoliberalism
Secondly, as the Gathering of 2013
shows, Irish communities (and their extension in “civil society”)
still work very well when the state takes a light touch or stays out
altogether. In fact, the state is performing so badly in
sophisticated areas like IT that alternative universities are being
set up, and indeed research entities that compete well with SFI (let
alone Medialab/digital hub) and do so at no cost to the taxpayer.
This applies also to music, where Ireland's most successful and best
music acts have all left (or never joined ) IMRO. Eire nua should
point out that that brains, work and talent of the Irish are enough
to guarantee success, once the corrupt state gets out of the way.
It is worth noting that neoliberalism
is similarly dumbing down American culture, and that Irish software
engineers could again compete with the Americans. That leads to the
first plan for writing down the debt. Ireland's corporate tax regime
is a source of much annoyance to the EU. Why not agree to bring the
tax up to EU levels in exchange for a debt write-down? In that case,
the likes of Facebook would probably leave – and good riddance. At
the very least, our software engineers could hack together something
better in a day. If google followed, we could prevent it crawling our
state websites, freeing Irish companies to work of the same
algorithms that google pilfered elsewhere in the first place.
Local government does not really exist
in Ireland; there exist local authorities, laws unto themselves. They
must be made subject to the will of the people by joining up the
local and national levels.
These policies can be put to the
public immediately. The following section looks at a more radical
progression.
What can be done in the future if we
encounter success with stage 1?
There are huge
opportunities for a country that, like Ireland is close to its roots
and engaged in modernity, particularly an Anglophone country. It has
been hinted at that, since Lisbon and Nice were voted on twice, why
not do so a third time and abide by the result? Similarly, there now
is a constitutional anomaly in that the 1998 “Good Friday”
agreement defines Irishness as being born on the island of Ireland
and the 2004 referendum rejected this, this surely requires another
referendum, one that reinstates the notion of a national territory.
In fact, there is
an argument that those on the North-Eastern corner of the island, as
well as those in the genetic diaspora, get their passports too
cheaply as we Irish struggle enormously to protect the country. Why
not make the referendum in the North-Eastern corner envisaged by
the “Good Friday” agreement a chance for individual counties to
opt out of the passport scheme. So, for example, if Co. Derry voted
to stay in the UK, its residents would lose their automatic right to
an Irish passport.
They then would
have to earn them in test, as prospective French citizens do, tests
that show that they know Irish history and culture. Similar test
could be imposed on the Americans, absent any action on the 50,00
“illegal” Irish in the USA, as a useful prod to Obama's
democrats. Conversely, the culturally Irish in countries like
Argentina who currently do not qualify would now do so. As a parting
shot on this theme of Irish pride, the referendum in the
North-Eastern corner might also include Cavan,
Donegal and
Monaghan to still forever the notion that the majority in Ulster are
British.
The carrying
capacity of the land in Ireland is more than sufficient for
agricultural self-sufficiency. Most of the foreign firms in Ireland
like Facebook and paypal produce non-essential services. There are
many South American countries with vast oil reserves willing to trade
with us in defiance of the USA and its spy services. We should not
fear tough negotiations.
Finally, there is
scope for a totally new constitution for Ireland, one that forever
prevents the state from destroying civil society and community
structures. It can also pre-empt future culture wars by removing the
Catholic ethos, while reminding everyone that the state must have
values. That will be a topic for discussion further down the road.
Seán
O Nualláin 1/1/2014
PS The cynicism about the sincerity of the FG "rebels" still seems well-placed despite their claim for a mass meeting on 25 Jan 2014 as reported in the media today (5 jan). There are NO policies, and the whole enterprise seems an attempt to create a bargaining-chip for the tearful reunion with FG. This seems even more true given that Lucinda is expecting baby (congrats, Lucinda) and will be tempted to secure their future.
and now here's the rub. Lucinda used to have a glittering future and has been treated very roughly. It is possible that she has unleashed forces both outside and within herself - in the Irish body politic as in her psyche - to which Kenny will need to alert himself. His track record suggests no such sophistication, so the new party may well happen with L as prime actor after all.
PPS (4 Feb 2014) L is waiting for the moment that Timmins and others leave to rejoin FG. If she now declares RA a new party, timmins and others will be gone like a puff of smoke. However, if they leave before she does so, she will be on the moral high ground as she declares a new party and they will not have any bragging rights.
What she is doing IMO is waiting for Mattie McGrath and other independent TD's to commit so that timmins' disappearance will not matter and she retains a dail group. Then again, she is due sometime about April so timmins et al may just run down the clock and wait for mother Lucinda to disappear into obscurity as they argue that gilmore was forced to re-open the Irish embassy in the vatican cos of their stance.........
PS The cynicism about the sincerity of the FG "rebels" still seems well-placed despite their claim for a mass meeting on 25 Jan 2014 as reported in the media today (5 jan). There are NO policies, and the whole enterprise seems an attempt to create a bargaining-chip for the tearful reunion with FG. This seems even more true given that Lucinda is expecting baby (congrats, Lucinda) and will be tempted to secure their future.
and now here's the rub. Lucinda used to have a glittering future and has been treated very roughly. It is possible that she has unleashed forces both outside and within herself - in the Irish body politic as in her psyche - to which Kenny will need to alert himself. His track record suggests no such sophistication, so the new party may well happen with L as prime actor after all.
PPS (4 Feb 2014) L is waiting for the moment that Timmins and others leave to rejoin FG. If she now declares RA a new party, timmins and others will be gone like a puff of smoke. However, if they leave before she does so, she will be on the moral high ground as she declares a new party and they will not have any bragging rights.
What she is doing IMO is waiting for Mattie McGrath and other independent TD's to commit so that timmins' disappearance will not matter and she retains a dail group. Then again, she is due sometime about April so timmins et al may just run down the clock and wait for mother Lucinda to disappear into obscurity as they argue that gilmore was forced to re-open the Irish embassy in the vatican cos of their stance.........
